The Surge To Nowhere
Tuesday, January 16th, 2007On January the 10th, 2007, President Bush revealed his new way forward in the White House’s increasingly convoluted and desperate Iraq policy. Replete with underlying contradictions, on the surface it appeared little more than a reaffirmation of his continuing and isolated belief that the war in Iraq serves a greater purpose with regards to US national security. But as Professor Stephen Zunes wrote soon after for Foreign Policy In Focus…
“The broad consensus among strategic analysts, including those in the U.S. military and intelligence agencies, is that the struggle engaged by the U.S. armed forces, despite their enormous sacrifices, has compromised efforts to counter international terrorism and has made America less safe. If succeeding in the fight against terrorism was really the administration’s goal, President Bush would call for the withdrawal of troops from Iraq.â€?
Two days after the President’s affirmation that more troops would be introduced into the Iraqi theatre, newly appointed Secretary of Defense Robert Gates was furthering the ambiguities of Bush’s initiative by claiming that no firm timetable exists with regards to judging whether the new strategy is being effective. All of this comes, of course, on the heels of the removal of Gen. John Abizaid as commander of CENTCOM, who has been replaced by Admiral William Fallon, formerly the commander of USPACOM and once a deputy director for operations with Joint Task Force Southwest Asia, whose appointment many believe is a sign that US air action against Iran prior to the next Presidential election is not only likely, but in the works. Gen. George Casey too is to be replaced, most likely with Lt. Gen. David Petraeus, whose pervious assignment was the training of Iraqi security forces. But one need only look at the testimonies of Generals Anthony Zinni, Greg Newbold, John Riggs, John Batiste, Paul Eaton, and Charles Swannack for proof that both the Pentagon and White House have played two contradicting games with regards to the war, one involving the placation of domestic concerns about the loss of life and reassuring the public that what is occurring in Iraq is not as negative as they are being led to believe, and the other consisting of continually claiming that those carrying out the mission are their top priority while repeatedly failing the men and women of the military with regards to some of the most basic provisions while providing contracts that have generated literally billions of dollars for private contracting firms who provide everything from interrogation to food services to security for high ranking personnel.
In a recent article Frida Berrigan commented…
“Even though today the Armed Forces can’t recruit enough soldiers or adequately equip those already in uniform, the Pentagon is committing itself to massive corporate contracts for new high-tech weapons systems slated to come on-line years, even decades, from now, guaranteed only to enrich their makers.
The typical soldier in Iraq carries about half his or her body weight in gear and suffers the resulting back pain. Body armor, weapon(s), ammunition, water, first aid kit — it adds up in the 120 degree heat of Basra or Baghdad.
Ask soldiers in Iraq what they need most and answers may include: well-armored Humvees (many soldiers are jerry-rigging their own homemade Humvee armor); more body armor (an unofficial 2004 Army study found that one in four casualties in Iraq was the result of inadequate protective gear), or even silly string (Marcelle Shriver found out that her son was squirting the goo into a room as he and his squad searched buildings to detect trip wires around bombs).�
It amazes me that military commanders towed the line as long as they did before publicly succumbing to the obvious reality that the plans conceived and put into effect by the Pentagon were not merely militarily inept, but too conveniently open ended. One can only speculate at the true frustration that they, and their subordinates, must have endured because of the partisan nature of the war, one which has not merely seen the placement of Bush loyalists in key positions in Baghdad despite the fact that there are others better qualified, but one that has repeatedly placed the requirements of the war on their shoulders while muting them from publicly commenting on its realities and the decisions made by men such as former Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld which were ultimately projected on to them.
The Central Intelligence Agency has also succumbed to internal convolution and partisanship, with Baghdad station chiefs being replaced for having the audacity to write missives, known as aardwolves, that dared to detail the reality of what was occurring in Iraq during the early months of the occupation. The disregard of negative information with regards to numerous agencies pre-dates the invasion of course, but it continued well after it became clear that a variety of groups, some consisting of elements of the Iraqi officer corps and former intelligence apparatus, chose to slip into the countryside and organize a variety of different resistance groups. That what was later termed ‘the insurgency’ showed rapid adaptation with regards to dealing with American tactics and weapons.
There is little doubt that this administration has acted solely on information that coincides with its political objectives, not necessarily with reality, despite claims that have been made regarding a mountain of nonsense including that the requirements of commanders in the field are of the utmost importance. It is the same engine which has allowed the administration to successfully paint a wide variety of guerrilla groups in Iraq with the same brush, one that ultimately produces the likeness of Osama Bin Landen standing somewhere in the background.
I have often wondered how, after placing a group of even semi-intelligent people in a room, they could walk out of it without considering the underlying cultural and religious tensions that have been prevalent throughout the region’s history in the event that the invasion didn’t turn out to be a re-enactment of the liberation of Paris. After the utter failure of America’s last unilateral farce, Vietnam, one would think someone with a respectable amount of gray matter might dare voice a few hard hitting queries, such as: what if this thing doesn’t go as planned?
From US commanders standing around central Baghdad without orders as to what to do once they reached it, to the farcical mission accomplished stunt, to this month’s troop surge, the United States finds itself once again in the position of a blind giant that has taken no time to survey the terrain while expecting nothing less than the quicksilver success of pro-Western democracy and all the perks that the privatization of industry brings with it (oil being the primary indulgence in this case). Tack on to that the estimated fourteen permanent bases being built in Iraq, not to mention the planet’s largest and most heavily fortified embassy (complete with Starbucks and a variety of other chain stores), and you’ve also got a very convenient military footprint in a vital region of the world, one that allows for the greater application of US funding and training of proxies in the region, such as is currently occurring in Ethiopia with regards to events in Somalia.
Four years on, Iraq remains unstable, its civilian infrastructure still in shambles, and its population overwhelmingly in support of American withdrawal and insurgent attacks on occupational forces. It is a nation engulfed in a civil war that no one on this side of the world will admit is really happening in earnest despite the fact that Baghdad’s morgue alone took in an estimated 16,000 unidentified bodies in 2006 and more than a million Iraqis have fled the country.
While visiting a friend in the States over the holiday’s, a friend of his, whose first admission was that he was a conservative, told me that if America wanted to defeat ‘the Iraqis’ that it possessed the military power to do so. That if it committed all of its resources it could decimate Iraq. He made that statement most likely in an attempt to exonerate America’s inability to successfully impress their ideals on a foreign people, reverting back to age-old standard that, in the end, might makes right. I didn’t spend a great deal of energy arguing the point with him. After all, what is one to say to that? That the country that he professes to love was founded on principles that openly detest the sort of blatant militarism now prevalent in American society, not to mention the use of unilateral force? Then again, had 9/11 occurred prior to the signing of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitutional Convention perhaps things would be different. I suppose if the abandonment of core principles can be so easily embraced then one has to wonder why they are needed in the first place? Perhaps simply to make people feel better when their elected representatives engage in illegal wars and have to go on national television to not merely defend their necessity, but their escalation.
I have, over the years, wondered at how the use of the word terrorism is possible within the context of war. William Tecumseh Sherman once remarked that there is no use trying to reform war, that it is ‘all hell’. And if it is, then how does one even attempt conciliatory definitions? Is it defined by the actions of a handful of radical zealots hijacking planes and flying them into buildings? Is it defined by the deaths of 2,000 Panamanian civilians during the US invasion of that country in 1989 to capture one man who was not only at one point a CIA asset, but a graduate of the School Of The Americas and whose daughter was actually the Goddaughter of the President of the United States at the time? Is it defined by the deaths of an occupied people who are daily made to suffer the arrogance of a world power so that a population a half a world a way can remain safely anaesthetized?
Convolution prevails. While last November’s elections were clearly a referendum on the war, polls still indicate that a majority of Americans believe that the regime of Saddam Hussein had something to do with September 11th. Factual information and opinion has become so blurred that the bigotry openly displayed by some of America’s most prevalent right-wing voices is enjoying what one can only term a black hole renaissance - a period in which historical fact and implication is somehow dismissible by way of ones ability to simply believe it irrelevant and employ the simplest of logic to demonize entire religions, cultures, and those who would dare point to substantiation. It brings to mind the ferocity of the Inquisitions with regards to their impact on the degradation of philosophical and scientific development, let alone true spirituality.
In his speech, President Bush accepted responsibility for US failures in Iraq, and was right to do so. And had it not been an admission to curry domestic favor, but one that was genuine, then his statement would not have been one in which a troop surge was announced. Rather, it would have been quite the opposite.
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