In 2003, the Ottawa Initiative was held in Montreal. The purpose of the conference was to decide the future of Haiti’s government, though no members of the Haitian government were invited to participate. Canadian, American, French, and select Latin American officials were present, but no Haitians. It was, in essence, the first meeting of the conspirators that would carry out the 2004 coup d’etat against the government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
Two months later, journalist Michel Vastel leaked information about the conference in an article in L’actualité. In it he asserted that conversations were held about the removal of Aristide and the reinstatement of a military regime. While his source, Denis Paradis, would later deny that he leaked the information, the article was never retracted by the magazine.
A year later, the United States, Canada, and France cooperated in an operation that would see Aristide removed from power. Among their assets, which included known drug lords and arms profiteers, was the newly named “National Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Haiti”, more commonly known prior to that as “The Cannibal Army”. In September of 2003, the leader of the group, Amiot Metayer, was found dead, his eyes shot out and his heart brutally removed. His brother, Buteur Metayer, immediately claimed the government responsible, vowing vengeance, and set the coup in motion. The group began occupying various Haitian towns, working its way towards the capital. With the ‘rebels’ mere miles from Port-au-Prince, Aristide was whisked to the airport by US operatives. During this portion of the operation, Canadian special forces, JTF2, were charged with securing and holding the airport. In the end, Aristide was flown to the Central African Republic via Antigua and Bangui.
It all appeared so clean. Under threat, the United States, as if the cavalry, had shown up at the last minute to whisk Aristide to safety.
While much of the media and members of the Bush Administration asserted that Aristide voluntarily left the country, interviews with him, and others, have since revealed that not to be the case, that he was, in truth, forced into exile having never stepped down. Besides the detailed work “Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide and the Politics of Containment” by Peter Hallward, Naomi Klein’s interview with Aristide in 2005 sheds a great deal of light on the reality of what occurred…
“It was only ten years ago that President Clinton celebrated Aristide’s return to power as “the triumph of freedom over fear.” So what changed? Corruption? Violence? Fraud? Aristide is certainly no saint. But even if the worst of the allegations are true, they pale next to the rap sheets of the convicted killers, drug smugglers and arms traders who ousted Aristide and continue to enjoy free rein, with full support from the Bush Administration and the UN. Turning Haiti over to this underworld gang out of concern for Aristide’s lack of “good governance” is like escaping an annoying date by accepting a lift home from Charles Manson.
A few weeks ago I visited Aristide in Pretoria, South Africa, where he lives in forced exile. I asked him what was really behind his dramatic falling-out with Washington. He offered an explanation rarely heard in discussions of Haitian politics–actually, he offered three: “privatization, privatization and privatization.”
The dispute dates back to a series of meetings in early 1994, a pivotal moment in Haiti’s history that Aristide has rarely discussed. Haitians were living under the barbaric rule of Raoul Cédras, who overthrew Aristide in a 1991 US-backed coup. Aristide was in Washington and despite popular calls for his return, there was no way he could face down the junta without military back-up. Increasingly embarrassed by Cédras’s abuses, the Clinton Administration offered Aristide a deal: US troops would take him back to Haiti–but only after he agreed to a sweeping economic program with the stated goal to “substantially transform the nature of the Haitian state.”
Aristide agreed to pay the debts accumulated under the kleptocratic Duvalier dictatorships, slash the civil service, open up Haiti to “free trade” and cut import tariffs on rice and corn in half. It was a lousy deal but, Aristide says, he had little choice. “I was out of my country and my country was the poorest in the Western hemisphere, so what kind of power did I have at that time?”
But Washington’s negotiators made one demand that Aristide could not accept: the immediate sell-off of Haiti’s state-owned enterprises, including phones and electricity. Aristide argued that unregulated privatization would transform state monopolies into private oligarchies, increasing the riches of Haiti’s elite and stripping the poor of their national wealth. He says the proposal simply didn’t add up: “Being honest means saying two plus two equals four. They wanted us to sing two plus two equals five.”
Aristide proposed a compromise: Rather than sell off the firms outright, he would “democratize” them. He defined this as writing antitrust legislation, insuring that proceeds from the sales were redistributed to the poor and allowing workers to become shareholders. Washington backed down, and the final text of the agreement–accepted by the United States and by a meeting of donor nations in Paris–called for the “democratization” of state companies.
But when Aristide began to implement the plan, it turned out that the financiers in Washington thought his democratization talk was just public relations. When Aristide announced that no sales could take place until Parliament had approved the new laws, Washington cried foul. Aristide says he realized then that what was being attempted was an “economic coup.”
“The hidden agenda was to tie my hands once I was back and make me give for nothing all the state public enterprises.” He threatened to arrest anyone who went ahead with privatizations. “Washington was very angry at me. They said I didn’t respect my word, when they were the ones who didn’t respect our common economic policy.”
So what now?
With MINUSTAH (The United Nations Stabilization Mission In Haiti) proving to be ineffective, not to mention being accused by various human rights groups of collaborating with local authorities in various questionable activities, the arrival of some 10,000 US troops in Haiti to assist in relief efforts could very well present an opportunity. Despite the fact that a serious tragedy has occurred, the opportunity that it presents is surely not lost on those that, some six years ago, colluded in the overthrow of Aristide’s government – even though the UN force in Haiti has spent much of its time dealing with the very same notorious elements that were employed during it.
With the death toll rising, and the very real possibility of a humanitarian crisis developing, Haiti has been reduced to little more than a shell. Its government is, at this point, useless – which is saying something being that it wasn’t particularly effective prior to the earthquake. In short, it is in the perfect state to take advantage of without having to wade into otherwise murky waters.
January 15, 2010 